DOJ Report Paints
A Sadistic Picture Of MPD
Story by José Pérez
After a sweeping investigation looking into the law
enforcement patterns and practices of the City of Miami Police Department that
lasted a year and a half, the United States Department of Justice released its letter
of findings to the public earlier this week.
The results are damning.
In the report, US Assistant Attorney General Thomas Perez
wrote, “We find that MPD engages in a pattern or practice of excessive force
with respect to firearms discharges in violation of the Fourth Amendment of the
United States Constitution and Section 14141.”
The DOJ found that MPD officers shot at individuals intentionally as
many as 33 different times between 2008 and 2011.
That figure came from documentation in MPD records but
the DOJ report also indicated that records were often inadequate, largely
because they were not often completed and filed in timely fashions. Subsequently, the DOJ observed, neither
close supervision nor ensuring accountability of specific police officers
involved in police-involved shootings was done by MPD.
Roy L. Austin Jr, Deputy Assistant Attorney General for
the Civil Rights Division of the DOJ said plainly, “Miami has to reform deadly
force.”
Investigators reviewed approximately 17,000 documents
which included forensic reports, transcripts, training manuals, investigative
reports, policies and procedures. The Department of Justice (DOJ) also
conducted lengthy interviews with Miami Police Department (MPD) personnel at
various levels of administration and in different departments as well as
members of the community.
The investigation was launched in November 2011 in
response to outcry over an outburst of police violence that resulted in the
deaths of 7 Black men in Miami between Summer of 2010 and Winter of 2011.
Overall, the DOJ report published four fundamental
findings. The first indicated that, out
of the 33 documented officer-involved shootings found between 2008 and 2011,
“MPD found 3 cases of unjustified force.”
It was also revealed that “MPD officers routinely employ poor
tactics.” The third finding looked at
“improper actions by specialized units” including the chilling revelation that
of 17 police shootings in 2010 and 2011, nine “involved an officer from a
specialized unit.”
Bradford Brown of the Miami-Dade NAACP said that the
specialized units, who typically use unmarked police cars and do not wear the
highly visible dark navy blue uniform of MPD, were “overemphasized and
under-supervised.”
Finally, the DOJ report said that MPD investigations of
police-involved shootings are “inadequate.”
This was attributed “unreasonable delays” in delivering the outcome(s)
of police shootings. Additionally, the
failure to properly analyze relevant information “to determine whether a
shooting is justified” also adversely impacted investigations.
This is not first time that the Civil Rights Division of
the DOJ has investigated MPD. The most
recent time prior to this investigation was about a decade ago when the federal
authorities investigated MPD from 2002 to 2006. Austin said, at the time of the previous
investigation, many changes were made and progress appeared to be
unfolding.
Those positive steps appear to have been either
short-lived or not rooted in reality.
“It is disturbing to me,” said Austin, that the issues his office saw
back then still remain.
Still, Austin and Wilfredo Ferrer, U.S. Attorney for the
Southern District of Florida, whose office worked with the DOJ during the
course of the investigation, both commended both current MPD Chief Manuel Orosa
and Miami Mayor Tomás Regalado for working productively with investigators by
providing “full access.” Ferrer also acknowledged community leaders
and other elected officials such as United States Representative Federica
Wilson (D-FL) who contacted Attorney General Eric Holder about the matter two
years ago.
The report also found that just seven police officers
were involved in over a third of the shootings during the period of time
investigated. Neither Austin nor Ferrer
would state the names of any of the officers they alluded to, citing that such
information was out of the scope of their investigation and mandate. Their civil investigation, said Austin, was
“distinct from criminal investigations.
We intentionally do not make a determination” about individual
officers. For that, he said, the cases
must be handled under a separate determination, by a separate unit at the DOJ.
Ferrer explained the difference between this
investigation and a criminal investigation.
“Criminal prosecution needs to find beyond a reasonable doubt [that
there was] intent to violate the victim’s Constitutional rights. A civil investigation has a different
threshold,” said Ferrer, which is established via pattern and practice.
In short, Austin described their findings as “a narrow
investigation [that] focused on the greatest problem.”
Next for MPD is a court-enforceable agreement which is
expected to encompass procedures, trainings, and other aspects for reform. The entire matter will be presented to a
federal judge after all parties involved have met and agreed to a sustainable
performance plan.
Austin said that, as such, a judge has not yet been
assigned and added that the court agreement would not be permanent. He did, however, offer as examples similar
investigations and court-enforced agreements in New Orleans and Seattle where
both departments were required to first meet conditions outlined in their
respective agreements then sustain those reforms for two years.
In the case of MPD, “the agreement will be focused on
what we found,” said Austin.
Austin and Wilson both pointed out that not having a
binding court-enforceable agreement was a primary factor that contributed to
the ineffectiveness of the reforms pledged after the previous DOJ investigation
of MPD.
Orosa, who took over MPD in December 2011 just weeks
after the DOJ began its investigation, released a statement in which he pointed
out “a significant decrease in police-involved shootings in 2012.” He added that the “success in this area
comes as a result of reforms established under my direction.” Orosa said that the MPD submitted “a
comprehensive report to DOJ” a year ago.
Regarding the agreement necessary before the matter can be referred to a
federal judge, Orosa wrote that the MPD “looks forward to the opportunity to
clarify several components of the letter, as well as to labor intensely to
negotiate an agreement with the Department of Justice.”
The DOJ report acknowledged that decrease and speculated
that the department “may be capable of addressing the problem.”
“The police department could do better,” said Austin. “We
are optimistic that it will continue.”
Representative Wilson and others were more interested in
accountability than optimism. “It appears that the DOJ is happy with current
chief,” she said. Wilson is pushing for
a legitimate emphasis on reforming MPD’s institutional culture. “It shouldn’t matter who the police chief is. What should matter are the permanent policies
and practices.”
Jeanne Baker, Chair of the Police Practices Committee of
the Greater Miami Chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida,
took aim at the Miami’s civilian oversight body. “The Justice Department was able to arrive at
conclusions that the city’s internal mechanisms – including the Civilian
Investigative Panel – have proven inadequate to find: that the City of Miami
Police Department has been violating the Constitutional rights of its citizens.”
Baker’s boss at the ACLU, Howard Simon, addressed the
issue of individual accountability for the shootings and deaths. “Ultimately,
someone needs to be held responsible for the deaths and the violation of
constitutional rights. People’s rights have been violated and lives have been
unjustly taken. Now that the groundwork has been laid by the Civil Rights
Division of the Department of Justice, we expect a follow-up investigation into
the conduct of Miami Police Department officers who were responsible.”
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